The Wars History Between Ogaden and Shambara Tribes

What do you know about the history of the Ogaden and Shambara clans? Their story is one of the most fascinating in the history of Somalia. Their reputation for skilled trading helped them establish strong relationships with neighboring nations, contributing to their economic prosperity. Their success in trade also shaped their cultural practices and traditions. These two clans share a borderline inhabited by AfMadowe and Gosha land. The Ogaden clan primarily relied on livestock herding for their livelihood in the region of Afmadow, while the Shambara clan focused on agriculture in the region of Gosha. Despite their differences, both clans played significant roles in shaping the history and culture of southern Somalia. In the late 18th century, major conflict occurred in the state of Goshaland between the Ogaden and Shambara clans, elevating their political landscape to new heights. Most people think that it consisted of no more than skirmishes, but they were far more than that; they represented deeper tensions and power inter-tussles in this region. The essay, therefore, examines the historical significance of the Ogaden and Shambara wars in Jubaland, highlighting their impact on regional power dynamics, the role of external influences, and the enduring legacy these conflicts have on contemporary socio-political issues in the Horn of Africa.

When Nasib Bunda became the head of the Gosha state, and the Sultan of Zanzibar, Sayid Bargash, supplied him with guns, he had several interests in mind. He was primarily interested in expanding trade and hoped that his community might generate exports of ivory, grain, and cotton. He must have also been aware that arming the Gosha would enable them to challenge the nomadic Ogaden, who were raiding coastal trading towns and demonstrating marked hostility to Zanzibar's authority along the coast. The opportunity to bog down the Ogaden with a new, well-armed, and highly motivated adversary served the Sultan's interests well.

For the Gosha, survival, not geopolitics or the expansion of commerce, was the immediate concern in their relations with the Ogaden. The series of battles fought against these pastoralists constitutes one of the most important traditions in Gosha oral history. When the Sultan elevated Gosha's living status to trading industry towns. The people were able to engage in more lucrative trade and establish stronger economic ties with neighboring regions. However, the Ogaden clan felt threatened by rising power in the Gosha state and decided to attack nearby neighboring villages.

The war against the Ogaden appears to have been a long series of often inconclusive skirmishes, raids, and kidnappings interrupted by periods of peace as well as by a few more serious and large-scale battles. At first, the Shambara were at a major disadvantage in that their villages were much more prone to raiding than the temporary encampments of the nomads. Few Gosha villagers would risk encountering the numerically superior Ogaden in their own open bushland, and a counterattack on distant Afmadow would have been unthinkable. As a result, some of the Gosha settlements had to be fortified against surprise raids by the Ogadens, but it only led to more violence and destruction. The villagers were left feeling helpless and terrified, unsure of how to protect themselves. They lived in constant fear of the next attack.

Moreover, Sultan Nasib Bunda decided to take action against the Ogaden distractions by preparing well-trained armies for a decisive battle. The Sultan wanted to secure his territory against the Ogaden invasion and make his authority supreme over the said land. The nature of the war between the two groups is summarized in three main battles that characterized the military confrontation. The first battle took place near the town of Nasib Bunda, which was furious. The Ogaden were forced to retreat due to Bunda's overwhelming strength and strategy. They later managed to regroup themselves and prepare for another war in what seemed like an endless struggle for regional power and dominance. The second battle was fought farther to the south, near Shungul Mafula town. Here, again, the Ogaden are waging another war against the Shambara tribe in what has been described as a series of enmities of indecisive battle. Nassib Bunda and Shungul Mafula jointly led this fight, which took all day of fighting brutality. Again, the battle ultimately resulted in a victory for the Shambara tribe, solidifying their dominance in the region. The Shambara were able to maintain control over their territory and prosper in peace, and the Ogadens were denied any easy access to the riverine settlements.

Subsequently, a well-respected preacher, Sheikh Murjan, arrived in Gosha and aimed to develop a vision of peace and unity. When he arrived, it took more than determination for someone like him to bring the warring factions together, trying to draw a line of communication rather than a kind of conflict. However, a peace agreement brokered was not successful. The deal allowing the cease-fire was broken when Sheikh Mohamed Yusuf of the Ogaden, who negotiated the truce, felt it was his touch to pave the way for him to gain the reins over his clan. This only escalated hostilities once more. Sheikh Mohamed Yusuf had accumulated large forces to deliver the fatal blow against Shambara.

Furthermore, the third and decisive battle was fought in the Mashunguli district, at what is today called Fagan, in the late 1880s, and marked the turning point in the conflict. The Ogaden, who are well known for their guerrilla warfare tactics, gathered again all their forces and launched a final attack against the Shambara forces. However, the Shambara possessed a number of key advantages, though. They owned superior weapons, both in their large stockade of shotguns and their bows and arrows, which were much more effective in forest skirmishes than the spears of the pastoralists. The forest was also familiar ground to the villagers, whereas it was essentially foreign land to the pastoralists. After a long day of intense fighting, the Ogaden forces were finally destroyed completely and suffered a devastating defeat. Their conventional warfare methods did not stand a chance against the better-armed Shambara forces familiar with forested terrain. This event, known by the famous phrase abuur-no-reeb, closely translates to “Leave us a seed.” Shambara replied that we don't give another chance to those who have repeatedly wronged us without showing remorse or willingness to change their ways. Then their war chief, Mohamed Yusuf's head, was chopped off with an axe and was given the nickname of Sheik Ambulo by Shongolo Mafoula. From that day on, the inhabitants of the Gosha region didn't notice any threat from the Ogaden side. They continued to live in peace and harmony for a century.

Nevertheless, the Shambara’s military successes under Sultan Nasib Bunda reshaped the region’s power dynamics and influenced colonial strategies. Fearing the military achievements of Shambara, under the leadership of Nasibu Mbundo, the neighboring clans had come to fear and respect it. The forest territory inhabited by the Shambara became regarded as a formidable stronghold by many who would avoid invading it. This change in perceptions made the Shambara more powerful in the region, as the Shambara could well consolidate power and influence over neighboring communities. Casualties had come under the Suaheli, yet a growing influence of Nasib Bunda and the Shambara only intensified colonial officials’ apprehension of their military capabilities. However, the Italian colonial authorities began to act to stop the Shambara's military strength from interfering with the colonial aspect of the region. An able leader who gained a reputation for making sound decisions and sticking to them, Nasibu Mbundo. He was known beyond Jubaland; people respected him, but they were afraid of his name.

In conclusion, the Ogaden and Shambara wars are paramount in analyzing changes that occurred in Jubaland power relations between tribes, leadership, and external influences. The outside forces' involvement in these wars demonstrates a foreign power's different types of participation. They hint that internal leadership and courage played a significant role in fighting these wars. These are the roots of the earlier times and serve as the frame of reference to assist in the space and time of today’s socio-political issues in the history of Somalia. These wars have clearly defined power relations in today’s regional politics, promoted the perseverance of native populations, and illustrated the role of leadership and tactics. They contributed towards shaping territorial frontiers and relations among tribes, as well as colonial incursions, which have shaped their strength and unity despite continued social-political problems.

About Al-Nasibu Activist

    Hello everyone! I am Al-Nasibu, a social historian and human rights activist. However, before I begin to talk about my story, I would like to remind everyone that when we're doing good things according to the Islamic way, we first seek help and protection from the creator, the ruler of the heavens and the earth. Such a solid creed in my religion can be expressed that God never abandons people at any time when they fail to follow the right path because in his mercy, he won’t give up on them. On the contrary, his aim is to instill a great teacher as an example, who will later show them the way to unity, progress, self-respect, and the ability to change the reality in which they live. With that being said, now I would like to go back to my introduction.

My work has been a mission to help people of all kinds be treated with respect for their human rights. As a social historian, the profession has equipped me with the ability to view and understand the interconnection that forms societies. These roles enable me to learn about people’s behaviors, cultures, and historical backgrounds to understand how societies work and should be transformed. However, my passion for human rights activism goes way back to my faith that every person should be free from oppression and injustice.

From my childhood, I observed the lives of people belonging to the lower classes or considered outcasts by society. This powerfully motivated me to stand for those who could not stand for themselves. This made me realize that the world does not work magically, but people have to put in the effort and even fight for what is right. This is why I have devoted my time to campaigning against human rights abuses and issues of discrimination and encouraging people to fight for their rights.

In addition, I am a religious man, and my religion helps me in carrying out most of my tasks. In Islam, justice and kindness are virtues that must be upheld; one must defend the weak people and always try to bring a positive change in society. This spiritual support has been the driving force that has encouraged me to go on with this work despite the challenges. However, I have faith in these principles as a way to create a reality wherein unity, progress, and self-respect are attainable truths for every human being.

In conclusion, having found my place in justice as the backbone of what I do in my life, being guided by my academic studies, personal experience, and faith, I am optimistic that future generations will witness a much fairer society if more sustainable efforts are made.

THE GOSHA OF THE MIDDLE JUBA REGION IN SOUTHERN SOMALIA

 THE GOSHA OF THE MIDDLE JUBA REGION IN SOUTHERN SOMALIA. 

AN ETHNIC GROUP OF BANTU ORIGIN

by Francesca Declich (*)

Introduction

This text is an attempt to reconstruct the history of the formation of a population of which up to now there is only scattered and conflicting information. It concerns that fringe of Bantu, the northernmost of Eastern Africa, who live on the border with the Cushitic populations of Somalia (**).

Interest in these Bantu dates back to ancient traditions that refer to black people living in Azania (a region that also included the southern coast of Somalia). Furthermore, several ethnic groups that currently live further south, in Kenya and Tanzania (1), report in their traditions

(*) Graduated in Ethnology at the Department of Glotto-Anthropological Studies of the University of Rome La Sapienza.

(**) The text is based on data collected in the field in Somalia between July 1985 and June 1986 in an area including the districts of Gelib and Giamame. It is my duty to express my thanks to the following associations and people: the C.I.S.P. (International Committee for the Development of Peoples) which offered me its support in a Primary Health Care project that it carries out in the district of Gelib, thus facilitating my long stay in the field; Prof. Bernardo Bernardi for the help and valuable advice given both in the planning and during the course of my work; the managers and staff of the Historical Archives of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs for their kind collaboration, the inhabitants of the villages in the area for their great willingness to collaborate in the research when I was in the field.

(1) Among these are the Pokomo, the Mijikenda (collective name for: Digo, Duruma, Ra- bai, Ribe, Chonyi, Jibana, Kamba, Kauma and Giriama), the Segeju and the Swahili, including the Bajuni. Until very recently these four groups relied on the idea of ​​one or more sacred settlements to ensure their coherence as social units. Belief in the magical role of certain cities was an important part of the Shungwaya cultural system. There are also groups who, while not using the name Shungwaya, have traditions that trace their origins back to that area. The Meru of Kenya, for example,

Trading towns of the east African coast to the sixteenth century

 The origins of east African coastal trading society 

Azania: the east African coast to 500 CE 

The east African coast was known to the Greek and Roman traders of the early centuries CE. They referred to the region as 'Azania. The earliest known written reference to the land of Azania is in a mid-first-century Greek handbook, The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (The Voyage of the Indian Ocean). Written in the great Egyptian trading port of Alexandria, it was intended for Greek trading ships, as a guide to the known ports of the Indian Ocean. It refers to a series of market towns along the Azanian coast from which overseas traders were able to obtain ivory, rhinoceros horn, tortoise shell and a little coconut oil. In exchange for these goods, traders from Arabia and the Red Sea provided the Azanians with iron tools and weapons, cotton cloth and a small quantity of wheat and wine. The Periplus referred to 'Rhapta' as the most southerly known port on the coast of Azania.

The exact site of Rhapta has not yet been identified, but it is thought to have been situated either somewhere in the Rufiji delta, in the central coastal region of modern Tanzania (see Map 10.1), or possibly close to Dar es Salaam, opposite Zanzibar Island.

The peoples of Azania were clearly experienced fishermen, well practised in the use of small boats along the coastal waters offshore. They fished and caught turtles from dugout canoes and they sailed among the islands in small coastal boats made of wooden planks knotted together with lengths of coconut fibre. Each market town was under the rule of its own chief, although the Periplus tells us little more about the people except that they were tall and dark-skinned. A few Arab traders were known to have settled in the region, intermarried with the local people and adopted their language. But there is no sign that these early Arab settlers had any significant impact or influence on the Azanians. They were settling within already existing fishing and trading communities. 

Who exactly these early Azanians were is not known for sure. Archaeological research has not yet revealed evidence of any of their early coastal market towns. Future archaeological research might reveal pottery or other artefacts, which would tell us more about them. In the meantime, it seems likely that they were part of the developing east African Early Iron Age, probably Bantu speaking, as discussed in Chapter 4. The report of the Periplus, that they imported iron goods, need not contradict this. They may simply have found it easier to import manufactured iron goods rather than spend the time and effort smelting and making their own. They probably adopted the fishing techniques already developed by pre-existing hunting and fishing communities. The use of 'sewn' boats and the presence of the coconut suggest some early contact with the sort of Austronesian sailors who colonised Madagascar in the early centuries CE. But it does not appear that any Austronesians actually settled permanently on the coast at this time. What is known from archaeological and linguistic evidence is that by at least the fifth century CE, Bantu-speaking farmers and fishermen were well established along the east African coast.

The Land of Zenj: the east African coast to 1000 CE 

Indian Ocean trade was given a great boost by the spread of Islam in the seventh and eighth centuries. The shift of the Islamic capital to Baghdad in 750 Ce brought the Persian Gulf more firmly into Indian Ocean trading networks. A number of Shi'ite refugees from southern Arabia settled along the northern half of the east African coastline during the eighth century. They intermarried with the African population and learnt the local language. The increasing presence of Arabic-speaking peoples on the offshore islands greatly eased trading relations between the east African coast and the rest of the Muslim world. Arabic writers of the time referred to the main central region of the east African coast as 'the Land of Zenj' (sometimes spelt 'Zanj'). 

In the western Indian Ocean, the monsoon winds blow towards east Africa between November and March, and towards India and the Persian Gulfbetween April and October. This seasonal pattern of monsoon winds largely influenced the pattern of cross-ocean trade that developed between the east African coast and the Islamic world of western Asia. Most of the long-distance trade of the western Indian Ocean was carried in Arab sailing ships known as dhows (see Figure 10.1). The journey across the ocean could take several months. This did not leave them much time for trading along the east African coast before they had to turn for home on the southwest monsoon. The more northerly ports of Mogadishu and Barawa and the Lamu islands thus became their most common ports of call. Local coastal trading was generally left in the hands of African traders who brought their goods to the principal market towns. This enabled merchants from across the ocean to complete their business quickly without wasting valuable time calling between one tiny settlement and the next. 

As the demand for African ivory and, later, gold rose, so more Muslim Arabs settled in the island towns to try and direct the local trade to their advantage. The local African ruling family was generally happy to develop close relations with these early Muslim settlers, often through intermarriage. In this way, they were able to ensure that overseas Muslim merchants would feel welcome and be well received within the town.

By the ninth century, there were a number of well-established market towns along the coast of the Land of Zenj' (see Map 10.2). Most were situated on the offshore islands. There were several on the Lamu islands off the northern Kenyan coast and others further south on Zanzibar, Kilwa and the Comoro Islands. Although clearly involved in overseas trade, they were nevertheless primarily local African towns. Archaeological evidence has shown that they were cattle-keeping, mixed farming communities who had added trade to their basic agricultural economy. Cattle were kept in central fenced enclosures and domestic houses were generally built on a circular pattern, made of mud brick and thatch. Most of the pottery that archaeologists have found in these sites was locally made, on a general east African Iron Age pattern. Small quantities of imported pottery from the Persian Gulf, western India and China confirm the trading link. The style of local pottery is remarkably similar through the 3,000-kilometre stretch of coastland from Mogadishu to Mozambique. This suggests close cultural links and regular sailing contacts between the various trading settlements along the coastal region. 

missing information here.....

language of the Early Iron Age peoples who appear to have lived in the region of the Tana valley and the Lamu islands. The Arabic additions came from Arab settlers who married into coastal society. They retained Arabic for writing and communicating with overseas traders, but used Kiswahili in their normal daily speech. In due course, Kiswahili was developed as a written language, using an Arabic script. 

Between the tenth and fourteenth centuries, the term 'Swahili' came to denote a distinctive coastal society that was Islamic in religion and culture, but primarily African in language and personnel. It was an urban, coastal trading culture and economy, and it is to the development of these Swahili towns that we now turn. 

The period from about 970 to 1050 was one of renewed growth for the east African trading towns. This coincided with a rising demand for African ivory and gold in Byzantine Europe and Fatimid Egypt. There is evidence of further Muslim settlement on east African coastal islands. Al-Masudi's reference to the island of Kanbalu having a Muslim king suggests that this was unusual in the early tenth century. A century later it was more common, as Muslim influence increased. Mosques were built in some of the towns, as a number of African rulers converted to Islam or Muslim settlers married into local ruling families. Rectangular houses made of blocks of coral stone began to be built at some of the northern market towns. This was in the style of houses on the Dahlak islands of the Red Sea, suggesting closer links through this trade route with Egypt and the Mediterranean. There were general signs of growing prosperity, at least among the ruling classes. A number of wealthy merchant rulers began to mint their own coins out of silver and copper (see Figure 10.2). The gold Fatimid dinar remained the principal currency of international exchange, but small local coins were used for local transactions.

The gold trade and the rise of Kilwa The period 1050-1200 saw further Muslim immigration from the Persian Gulf and Oman. Possibly because of pressure from these newcomers, a number of northern Swahili Muslims, particularly from the Lamu islands, moved south to settle on the islands of Zanzibar, Mafia, Pemba, Kilwa and the Comoros. Here, they settled in existing trading towns and set up new dynasties that ruled the islands for generations to come. The leading members of these ruling families claimed to trace their Muslim ancestry to immigrants from Shiraz in the Persian Gulf. The dynasties they founded are therefore usually referred to as 'Shirazi. But there is no evidence of direct Persian immigration and it seems likely that some prominent northern Swahili families invented the connection for added status. From the time of this so-called Shirazi 'migration, houses made of blocks of coral stone began to be built on the islands of Pemba, Zanzibar, Mafia and Kilwa (Map 10.3). 

Of all the new Swahili towns, Kilwa was destined to become the most important. Until this time, the gold trade, such as it was, had been largely organised by the Muslim merchants of Mogadishu, the northernmost Swahili town, founded in about 1000 CE. Through their Muslim contacts along the coast, the Mogadishu merchants arranged for gold dust to be brought north from the 'land of Sofala' far to the south. The new Shirazi rulers of Kilwa were now in a position to break Mogadishu's control of the gold trade. Kilwa was the most southerly point to which overseas merchants could sail in one season. It was therefore ideally placed to control the southern trade. The merchants of Kilwa sent ships south to form a small trading settlement at Sofala, just south of modern Beira (Map 10.3). Here, the peoples of the interior brought gold from the emerging societies of the Limpopo valley and the Zimbabwe plateau. By the thirteenth century at the latest, Kilwa had broken the hold of Mogadishu and established local control of the overseas trade in the gold of southern Africa. For the next 200 years, Kilwa remained one of the most important and perhaps the wealthiest of all the Swahili trading towns.

BOOK NAME:  History of Africa

PUBLISHED:  August 28, 2018

AUTHOR:  Kevin Shillington

STAGES OF SOCIETY IN EASTERN AFRICA

 1. EASTERN AFRICA extends from Abyssinia to the Zoolu Country on the Atlantic coast, a distance of 3000 miles. Scarcely any other part of the world is so little known as the interior of this region.

2. The east coast of Africa, down to 10° south latitude , is inhabited in the north by the Somaulies, and in the south by the Suwahillies . They are of dark complexion; the Somaulies are the lightest and most intelligent.

3. The COUNTRY OF THE SOMAULIES extends from Abyssinia to Zanguebar. The Somaulies trade with the Arabs, Hindoos, and the interior tribes. The surface is hilly and fertile ; it is the native region of incense, myrrh, and sweet-smelling gums .

4. BER'BERA and ADEL ( ah- del' ) are the chief States on the northern coast ; the principal towns are Berbera and Zeyla (zayʻlah). HURRUR is an independent State in the interior. The capital is a walled town of the same name. The people are bigoted Mohammedans.

5. AJAN (ah-zhahn' ) extends south from Cape Guardafui. It is sandy, hilly, and, except in the northern parts, barren. Magadoxo, once an important State, belongs to Zanzibar. Its chief town, Magadoxo, has some commerce.

6. ZANGUEBAR extends along the coast from Juba River to Cape Delgado. The Suwahillies are the most numerous people. They trade with Uniamesi (oo-ne- ah-may'se) and other interior countries in slaves, ivory, gum-copal, and ostrich- feathers.

7. The city of Zanzibar' , on the island of the same name, is the chief commercial port of Eastern Africa. The sultan, whose power extends over the coast from Cape Delgado (del-gah'do) to Cape Bassas, and those who compose the ruling race, are Arabs originally from Muscat.

8. The native commerce of this region is carried on by means of vessels called dows, the planks of which are sewed together. The ports of Zanzibar, Mombas, Lamoo, and Juba are visited by American ships.

9. MOZAMBIQUE ( mo-zam- beek' ) belongs to Portugal ; it extends from Cape Delgado to Delagoa Bay. This colony was once important for its trade, but is now much decayed . The inland tribes are independent.

10. The city of Mozambique is the residence of the Portuguese governor. Quilimane (ke-le- mah'nay) , Sofala, and Inhambane (een- ahm-bahn' ) are the other chief towns on the coast ; those in the in terior are Sena (say'nah) and Tete ( tay'tay) . The trade is chiefly in slaves, gold, coffee, ivory, and manna.

CENTRAL AFRICA.

1. CENTRAL AFRICA comprises the interior countries south of Sahara and north of the region explored by Dr. Living. stone. The chief divisions are Soudan and Ethiopia.

2. SOUDAN (Soo-dahn') , sometimes called Nigritia (ne-grish'-yah), is an extensive region , bounded north by the Sahara, east by Darfur and the White Nile, south by Ethiopia and Guinea, and west by Senegambia.

3. The river Niger flows through a considerable portion of the territory into the Gulf of Guinea. Lake Tchad (chahd) is a large lake in Soudan. Other lakes are Fittre ( fit'tray ), east of Lake Tchad, and Debo, an expansion of the Niger River.

4. The region along the Niger was explored first in 1795, and again in 1805, by Mungo Park, and the lower portion in 1830 by the brothers Lander.

5 Between the years 1822 and 1826, Denham and Clapperton, two British travellers, crossed the Sahara from Tripoli to Soudan, and explored the kingdoms of Bornou and Houssa (how'sah) . They were the discoverers of Lake Tchad.

6. From 1849 to 1856, Dr. Barth, and Messrs. Richardson, Over- weg, and Vogel, crossed the desert through Fezzan and Air, travelled eastward to Lake Tchad, and, like their predecessors, explored the kingdoms of Houssa and Bornou. Dr. Barth visited Timbuctoo on the west, Begharmi on the east, and Adamaua on the south.

7. The people of Soudan consist of negroes, Fellatahs, and Shouas. They commenced their conquests on the Niger about the year 1800. Their dominions extend from Sahara southward to the river Tsadda, and from Senegambia to Darfur. They are Mohammedans. The Shouas of Bornou are of a light olive complexion.

8. Soudan consists of numerous kingdoms, of which little is known. The soil varies in fertility. Indian corn, cotton, and indigo seem to be everywhere cultivated . The climate is hot, and unhealthy for whites. The principal countries are Kaarta (kar'tah), Bambar'ra, Timbuc'too, Kong, Borgoo' , Houssa, Bornou (bor-noo' ) , Begharmi (bay-gar'me) , and Bergoo or Waday. There are also various petty states. The population of Soudan is estimated at 10,000,000.

9. ETHIOPIA was the name given by the ancients to the region south of Egypt. As discoveries have been made, the territory has become more and more restricted . At present the name is applied to the unexplored region of Central Africa on both sides of the equator.

10. It is the field of the explorations of Beke, Petherick, and others, who entered it fromthe north. Petherick explored the country to Mundo, near the equator, and made important discoveries.

11. Between the years 1857 and 1859, Captains Burton and Speke, of the British East India army, travelled inland from Zanzibar Island until they reached Uniamesi, or the Land of the Moon.

12. Here, in 1859, Burton discovered Lake Tanganyika ( tan-ganye'kah), due west from Zanzibar. To the northeast, 200 miles distant, Speke, the same year, discovered Lake Victoria Nyan'za. These are fresh-water lakes of considerable size.

13. In 1864, Baker, an English traveller, discovered that the Nile has its rise in Lakes Victoria Nyanza and Albert Nyanza Lake Albert Nyanza lies about 160 miles northwest of Victoria Nyanza

14. Except the Gallas, in the northeast, the inhabitants of Ethiopia are negroes ; they are ignorant, cruel, debased, and superstitious. The Niam-Niams, lately visited by Petherick, are cannibals.

THE WA BONI HUNTERS OF JUBALAND

Notes on the Boni Hunters of Jubaland. By Captain R. E. Salkeld. 

 (Published by the courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. )

The Waboni are the hunters of Jubaland ; they live in no settled habitations, but follow game. They are capable of extraordinary feats of endurance. From a Government point of view they are the only elephant killers, and if they could be communicated with and their confidence gained they would form the best scouts in the country. They are, however, very shy, and much afraid of their Somali masters.

They have three divisions :-

(A.) Bon Dhurrey. (B. ) Bon Aleyli. (c.) Bon Boran.

(A. ) Bon Dburrey were the Boni of the country subject to the Werdey and Gallas. Whenthe Werdey were conquered and driven back on the Tana by the Somalis their Boni followed them, and now inhabit the coast, and, it is said, the neighbourhood of the Tana river. They have fairly close relations with the Bajuns, who supply them with cloth, &c. and with whom they trade their ivory. They are the most civilised of the various Boni, having, in fact, a settlement and shambas at Anola at the head of Tovai creek.

(B.) Bon Aleyli are probably the oldest of the three divisions ; they inhabit the forests bordering the River Juba, and owe no allegiance such as other Boni do. They have certainly one village, perhaps more. They are admitted to be much more accomplished in Boui medicine than the other two sections, and are credited with a cure for gundi (tetse fly) bite ; this has been explained, but hitherto no opportunity has offered of testing the medicine. They are also supposed to possess an antidote against snakebite and wounds of poisoned arrows. The latter has been explained, but again there has hitherto been no opportunity of trying it.

(c. ) The Bon Boran or Bon Hegan are probably the largest section of the three and are subject to the Somalis. Families and their offspring being the property of Somalis are left by them in their wills. They give to their masters, when they kill an elephant, the tusk on the side which the elephant falls ; the other is their own property. There is no tribal organisation amongst these people, their disputes being settled by their old men. There is a man called Weyo Arrey amongst this section who considers himself chief of the Bon Boran, but no Boni considers that he is.

The Somalis are not unkind to these people ; on the one hand the Boni provide ivory and the hides of giraffe and oryx for shields, the most valuable local products ; on the other the Somalis give them meat, milk, and generally look after them and act as vakil for them. The Bon Boran followed the Somalis into this country when it was invaded. In those days there were many Borana living in Jubaland who were very friendly with the Boni ; the Somalis joined with the Borana to conquer the Gallas and then turned on the Borana and massacred them ; the Boni, however, took to their new masters.

The following are some of their chief customs, and are common to all sections of Boni :-

A Boni may marry any woman of his race ; it is not necessary to obtain the consent of the parents, but it is usual to give them presents, though not necessary. One curious custom is that there is no divorce among these people, all the children of one woman, by whatever father, are the property of the woman's original busband if alive ; if dead, ofhis brother.

When a lad starts hunting, at about sixteen or seventeen, and kills his first elephant, he hands over both tusks to his father and a feast is made, and with much singing and eating he is hailed as a man.

When a Boni dies he is buried lying on his side as he sleeps, his head to the north, his bow, arrows, and spear are buried with him, but economy decides that the iron heads of his arrows and spear should be kept by his relatives.

The great Boni accomplishment is, of course, the making of poison for their arrows. This poison is made from a tree called , in Northern Somaliland, Gadwayiyu. It grows commonly there, also in the hinterland of the Benadir, and in the northern parts of the Jubaland. The recipe is this : Take a piece of wood, bark it , and shred the wood into splinters ; soak bark and wood for twelve hours. It is now necessary, if the poison is being made for a white man, to kill a goat to feed the cooks. The cooks having been fed , the cooking proceeds. The wood and bark are now boiled for twelve hours, fresh water being constantly added. Towards the end of the boiling it is necessary to skim the scum of the brew, and here knowledge and experience come in. The final result is a thick black treacle-like substance, which is put on the arrows, on the detachable head behind the barb. The poison is strong. In an experiment tried, a goat was chosen, a small incision made in its shoulder and the poison inserted ; death ensued in just over five minutes. The symptoms were those of strychnine poisoning, so I am informed.

In Northern Somaliland the subject tribes are Tomal, Yibr, and Midgaan. The Tomal are the iron workers ; the Yibr the wood and leather workers and astrologers ; the Midgaan the hunters. These are supplemented in Southern Somaliland by the Waboni, and, as a matter of fact, the above-mentioned three tribes do not hold the same subordinate position as they do in Northern Somaliland. When dealing with Waboni it is necessary to be prepared for many disappointments, for they have a habit ofmwalking off into the bush and disappearing ; tobacco, cloth and, above all, food, especially meat, should be used when paying them.

These people are not without interest . When their confidence has been gained it will be found that, besides being extraordinarily good hunters and trackers, they are very good practical naturalists and botanists ; they have many interesting customs and tales, very often tell the truth , and would make the finest scouts imaginable. These notes, of course, require supplementing as opportunity occurs.

BOOK: MAN A MONTHLY RECORD OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL SCIENCE.

PUBLISHED BY THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE, 3, HANOVER SQUARE, LONDON, W,

1904

Differences in the Evolution of the Shambara Tribe

Shambara, an indigenous tribe living in southern Somalia, were associated with rich history during ancient times. These people were known for their skilled warriors and intricate artwork. Also, they have maintained some of their ancient cultures' identity and tradition, which give them connection to the past. This connection to the past is evident in their distinct tribal names, traditional music, and the names of their towns. It sets them apart from other Bantu Somali tribes in the region. In the past, their society operated under the governance of clans, which was prevalent in appointing elders for law enforcement and conflict arbitration. The tribal structure of the Shambara is still intact, and the people still live by the traditions and customs of the tribe, even with all the difficulties linked to modernization and political instability in the region of Somalia. Therefore, this section explains the differences in the evolution of the Shambara tribe over the years, as well as its unique cultural identity, history, remarkable skills, and legacy.

To begin with, the differences in the evolution of the Shambara tribe over the years have led to significant changes in their cultural practices and traditions. In the current decade, Somalia's farmers and nomadic population have seen a rapid increase, causing assimilation of culture, thus prompting debates on the differences between the two groups. Both residing in Somalia, the farmers and the nomadic group have significant historical variations. The farmers, who are mostly of Bantu origin, comprised many tribal branches that live in southern Somalia. There is one particular tribe among the farmers tribes that I would like to enlighten about their history, and this tribe is called Shambara. Their story is one of the most fascinating in the history of Somalia. If the entire history of Somalia is divided into three parts, the Shambara history will cover two parts. Their history is deeply intertwined with the cultural and political development of the region. 

Moreover, Shambara activities can be traced back to the Iron Age. In that era, their ancestors transmitted technology across Africa. Specifically, they introduced expert iron smelting in Africa as well as agricultural cultivation. After they left their homeland about 3000 years ago, they traveled to southern and eastern Africa. They mixed with the groups they met freely, promoting strong ties wherever they went. That created language and cultural exchange and led to the development of good relationships. As a result, they increased greatly and prospered. Also, the Shambara are among the earlier Bantu who migrated to East Africa, settling in the region all the way to southern Ethiopia and southern Somalia before the Oromo and nomadic Somali arrived in the south of Somalia.

Historically, the Shambara are related to many kingdoms, such as the Puanit, Ashanti, Shangalla, Kaffa, Jimma, Enarea, Shewa, Kucha, Juba, Witu, Ozi, and Shungwaya. They were well known for their guerrilla warfare skills, knowledge of farming, fishing, craftsmanship, metalworking, architecture, carpentry, and artistry. These people were known for their expertise in building boats and houses using locally available materials. They had formed hierarchical leadership in all the regions they occupied. The leadership had governance structures, and people were appointed or elected to lead others. They had a transparent chain of command and strict rules for decision-making. They are accustomed to order and to obey their superiors. These governments were stable and had continuity for many centuries. Violence is much less common among them than among the nomadic savages. They are also known for their remarkable skills in various trades during the Chinese Ming dynasty. The Shungwaya civilization was the last advanced one, with rich art, literature, dances, and music traditions. After the Shungwaya kingdom collapsed, the Shambara influence was still felt throughout the regions, shaping their language, agricultural practices, and societal structures. Their leadership skills were more hierarchical than those of the nomadic Somali tribes.

Nevertheless, the legacy of the Shambara tribe is reflected in the achievements of many great heroes who played pivotal roles in the tribe's history. Among those heroes are Sultan Nasib Bundo, Sheik Murjan, and Professor Omar Eno. These legends have left a lasting impact on their communities and beyond. Sultan Nasib Bundo, a great warrior and a hero in Somalia's history, was an anti-colonial fighter during the British and Italian colonial eras. Sheik Murjan, who was a peacemaker and a respected religious leader, led his people in times of spiritual guidance and wisdom. He built many Islamic schools and mosques. Professor Omar Eno was a great historian, prominent figure, and activist. After the Somali Civil War, he helped a large number of his people migrate to the USA to have a better life. They were all respected and admired for their contributions to the community. Each left a lasting impact on their community, and their legacies continue to be honored. May their souls rest in peace. Today, we aim to preserve their history and legacy for future generations.

In the end, the Shambara tribe's ancient history and culture reflect the ancient history of the Bantu people. They are a symbolic example of their ability to survive and thrive in Somalia and other countries. The Shambara people have also retained their cultural heritage, such as their tribal names and cultural practices, such as the history of the polite and powerful civilization, as well as leaders who faced numerous challenges from modernization and the brutal effects of civil war in the 1990s. Their patron saints, Sultan Nasib Bundo, Sheik Murjan, and Professor Omar Eno, have offered their commendable historical contributions and have ensured that the noble and respectable values and traditions of the Shambara are preserved and passed down for generations to come. Inasmuch as the Shambara adapts to the current culture in Somalia, their culture also needs to be kept as a history and culture on display to give the people of Somalia the pride of their culture and embrace the diversity of the region.