The Wars History Between the Ogaden and the Shambara Tribes

    What do you know about the history of the Ogaden and Shambara clans? Their story is one of the most fascinating in the history of Somalia. Their reputation for skilled trading helped them establish strong relationships with neighboring nations, which in turn contributed to their economic prosperity. Their success in trade also shaped their cultural practices and traditions. These two clans were the most powerful in southern Somalia during the colonial era. They share a borderline inhabited by AfMadowe and Gosha land. The Ogaden clan primarily relied on livestock herding for their livelihood in the Afmadow district, while the Shambara clan focused on agriculture in the Gosha district. Despite their different lifestyle, both clans played significant roles in shaping the history and culture of southern Somalia. In the late 18th century, a major conflict occurred in Goshaland between the Ogaden and Shambara clans, elevating their political landscape to new heights. Most people think that it consisted of no more than skirmishes, but they were far more than that; they represented deeper tensions and power inter-tussles in this region. The essay, therefore, examines the historical significance of the Ogaden and Shambara wars in Jubaland, highlighting their impact on regional power dynamics, the role of external influences, and the enduring legacy these conflicts have on contemporary socio-political issues in the Horn of Africa.

    When Nasib Bunda became the head of the Gosha state, he had several interests in mind. He was primarily interested in expanding trade and hoped that his community might generate ivory, grain, and cotton exports. He bought guns from the Sultan of Zanzibar, Sayid Bargash, to protect his resources against any threat. He must have also been aware that arming the Gosha would enable them to challenge the nomadic Ogaden, who raided coastal trading towns and demonstrated marked hostility to Zanzibar's authority along the coast. The opportunity to bog down the Ogaden with a new, well-armed, and highly motivated adversary served the Sultan's interests well.

    For the Gosha, survival, not geopolitics or the expansion of commerce, was the immediate concern in their relations with the Ogaden. The battles fought against these pastoralists constitute one of the most important traditions in Gosha oral history. When the Sultan created a trading network for the Gosha people, the economy started booming. The Gosha population grew rapidly as a result, leading to increased prosperity and cultural diversity. The people could engage in more lucrative trade and establish stronger economic ties with neighboring regions—this increased tension and competition between the Ogaden and Shambara over resources. Therefore, the Ogaden felt threatened by the rising power in the Gosha state and decided to destroy it once and for all.

    The war against the Ogaden appears to have been a long series of skirmishes with a few more serious and large-scale battles. At first, the Shambara were at a significant disadvantage when the nomadic Ogaden launched multiple raids in their villages. They were releasing their cows on Shambara farms, destroying their crops, and sometimes kidnapping the civilians, interrupted by periods of peace. Some of the Gosha villagers tried to retaliate, but it only resulted in increasing more violence and destruction. The villagers were informed Sultan Nasib to stop the Ogaden distraction.

    Moreover, Sultan Nasib Bunda organized well-trained armies in preparation for the Ogaden assaults, anticipating a decisive battle. The Sultan wants to protect his territory from threats and assert his supremacy over the land. The nature of the war between the two groups is summarized in three primary battles that characterized the military confrontation. The first battle took place near the town of Nasib Bunda, which was furious. The Ogaden were forced to retreat due to Bunda's overwhelming strength and strategy. They later managed to regroup and prepare for another war in an endless struggle for regional power and dominance.

    The second battle was fought farther south, near Shungul Mafula town. The Ogaden leader gathered larger forces near the Gosha state and prepared for a final confrontation with the Shambara people. This war is described as a series of enmities of indecisive battles. Nassib Bunda and Shungul Mafula jointly led this fight, which took all day, fighting brutality. The military power and the instruction of the two groups' forces cannot be compared on all sides. The differences in size, equipment, and training are too significant. The Shambara possessed several key advantages. 

• First, they are well trained to compare the Ogaden forces.
• Second, they own superior weapons, both in their large stockade of shotguns and their bows and arrows, which were much more effective in forest skirmishes than the spears of the pastoralists. 
• Third, the forest was also familiar to the villagers, whereas it was essentially foreign land to the pastoralists. 

Therefore, the battle ultimately resulted in a victory for the Shambara tribe, solidifying their dominance in the region. The Shambara could maintain complete control over their territory and prosper in peace. On the other hand, the Ogaden were being denied any access in the Gosha area, and life became difficult for them to survive.

    Subsequently, a well-respected preacher, Sheikh Murjan, arrived in Gosha State from Marka to establish Islamic teaching in the region. However, the Ogaden leader pleaded with him to develop a peace treaty between his community and the Gosha people. The Sheikh agreed to help negotiate a resolution between the two communities. Sheikh Murjan requested Nasib Bunda to accept the peace treaty. Nasib Bunda at first didn't approve of his mission of peace. Eventually, however, Murjan prevailed, convincing the Gosha leader, and they prayed together and called for the truce. Murjan broke a rosary there and allowed the prayer beads to fall scattered. 

• First, the peace treaty was to allow the Ogaden their trading road and watering their livestock on the river. 
• Second, if any one of them lost the other side, he or she should be guided back to his or her home in peace. 
• Third, if one of them killed the other by accident, they should ask only for the blood money, not revenge. 

According to him, if any of you break the agreement, hope will fall to the ground like this prayer. The peace agreement was being broken, but it didn't last long when Murgan-bin-Yusuf of the Ogaden, who had negotiated the truce, felt it was his turn to pave the way for himself to gain control over his clan. This only escalated hostilities once more. The Ogaden leader had accumulated the most significant forces to deliver the fatal blow against the Gosha people.

    Furthermore, the third and decisive battle was fought at Fagan in the 1890s and marked the turning point in the conflict. This war was not only fighting the Shambara; other Gosha clans also joined. This time, Nasib Bunda decided to change the war tactic skill. He divides the armies into two groups with different strategies and formations. The first group will focus on a defensive strategy, while the second group will focus on a more aggressive approach. This new strategy aims to confuse and overwhelm the opponent, increasing their chances of victory. After a long day of intense fighting, the second group was surrounded from all sides, with no chance of escape. Their war chief, Murgan-bin-Yusuf, was also killed on the battlefield by Shungul Mafula. The Ogaden forces realized they had no chance of winning or anywhere to go. Therefore, they surrendered and begged for mercy, asking to leave them a seed of hope for their future. Their plea moved the Gosha army, who decided to spare their lives and allow them to return to their homes with the promise of peace. The Ogaden soldiers were grateful for the second chance and vowed never again to take up arms against their conquerors. From that day on, the inhabitants of the Gosha region did not notice any threat from the Ogaden side. Their strength and unity have allowed them to withstand centuries of adversity and oppression.

    Nevertheless, the Shambara's or the Gosha military successes under Sultan Nasib Bunda reshaped the region's power dynamics and influenced colonial strategies. Fearing the military achievements of Shambara, under the leadership of Nasibu Mpundo, the neighboring clans had come to fear and respect it. The forest territory inhabited by the Shambara became regarded as a formidable stronghold by many who would avoid invading it. This change in perceptions made the Shambara more potent in the region, as the Shambara could well consolidate power and influence over neighboring communities. Casualties had come under the Suaheli, yet a growing influence of Nasib Bunda and his community only intensified colonial officials' apprehension of their military capabilities. However, the Italian colonial authorities began to act to stop Nasib Bunda's military strength from interfering with the colonial aspect of the region. An able leader who gained a reputation for making sound decisions and sticking to them, Nasibu Mpundo. He was known beyond Jubaland; people respected him, but they were afraid of his name.

    The wars between the Ogaden and Shambara clans fundamentally transformed Jubaland's political landscape through decisive military confrontations. As examined, these conflicts originated from economic tensions between pastoral and agricultural communities, escalated by the Sultan of Zanzibar's strategic arming of the Gosha state to counter Ogaden raids on coastal towns. The three major battles—near Nasib Bunda, Shungul Mafula, and the decisive confrontation at Fagan—demonstrated how superior weaponry, familiarity with the terrain, and tactical leadership under Sultan Nasib Bunda secured Shambara's victory. Though temporarily successful, the attempted peace mediation by Sheikh Murjan ultimately failed due to internal power struggles within the Ogaden leadership. These conflicts reshaped regional power dynamics and established Shambara dominance. They attracted Italian colonial attention, creating lasting implications for inter-clan relations and external intervention patterns in southern Somalia that continue to influence contemporary Horn of Africa politics.

About Al-Nasibu Activist

    Hello everyone! I am Al-Nasibu, a social historian and human rights activist. However, before I begin to talk about my story, I would like to remind everyone that when we're doing good things according to the Islamic way, we first seek help and protection from the creator, the ruler of the heavens and the earth. Such a solid creed in my religion can be expressed that God never abandons people at any time when they fail to follow the right path because in his mercy, he won’t give up on them. On the contrary, his aim is to instill a great teacher as an example, who will later show them the way to unity, progress, self-respect, and the ability to change the reality in which they live. With that being said, now I would like to go back to my introduction.

    My work has been a mission to help people of all kinds be treated with respect for their human rights. As a social historian, the profession has equipped me with the ability to view and understand the interconnection that forms societies. These roles enable me to learn about people’s behaviors, cultures, and historical backgrounds to understand how societies work and should be transformed. However, my passion for human rights activism goes way back to my faith that every person should be free from oppression and injustice.

    From my childhood, I observed the lives of people belonging to the lower classes or considered outcasts by society. This powerfully motivated me to stand for those who could not stand for themselves. This made me realize that the world does not work magically, but people have to put in the effort and even fight for what is right. This is why I have devoted my time to campaigning against human rights abuses and issues of discrimination and encouraging people to fight for their rights.

    In addition, I am a religious man, and my religion helps me in carrying out most of my tasks. In Islam, justice and kindness are virtues that must be upheld; one must defend the weak people and always try to bring a positive change in society. This spiritual support has been the driving force that has encouraged me to go on with this work despite the challenges. However, I have faith in these principles as a way to create a reality wherein unity, progress, and self-respect are attainable truths for every human being.

    In conclusion, having found my place in justice as the backbone of what I do in my life, being guided by my academic studies, personal experience, and faith, I am optimistic that future generations will witness a much fairer society if more sustainable efforts are made.

THE GOSHA OF THE MIDDLE JUBA REGION IN SOUTHERN SOMALIA

 THE GOSHA OF THE MIDDLE JUBA REGION IN SOUTHERN SOMALIA. 

AN ETHNIC GROUP OF BANTU ORIGIN

by Francesca Declich (*)

Introduction

This text is an attempt to reconstruct the history of the formation of a population of which up to now there is only scattered and conflicting information. It concerns that fringe of Bantu, the northernmost of Eastern Africa, who live on the border with the Cushitic populations of Somalia (**).

Interest in these Bantu dates back to ancient traditions that refer to black people living in Azania (a region that also included the southern coast of Somalia). Furthermore, several ethnic groups that currently live further south, in Kenya and Tanzania (1), report in their traditions on their origins the site of Shungwaya. This name identifies a kind of state organization and/or a number of small statelets that flourished at different historical moments in the region between the She-beli River in Somalia and the Umba River in Kenya and lasted in some cases until the 19th century (2) (Allen, 1983: 36). The main state known as Shungwaya must have been in a position to control much of southern Somalia and eastern Kenya in a period between the 9th and the 13th or 14th centuries (Allen, 1983: 35). Several countries in that large region were remembered with this same name, some of them located right in the vicinity of the Juba River. According to Grottanelli (1955: 74), Shungwaya - to be identified here with Bur Kavo, on the Somali coast two thirds of the way between Kismayo and the Kenyan border, south of the Juba - was still, between the 15th and 16th centuries, the coastal emporium to which the Bantu of the interior belonged and to which they were probably in some way tributaries.

(*) Graduated in Ethnology at the Department of Glotto-Anthropological Studies of the University of Rome La Sapienza.

(**) The text is based on data collected in the field in Somalia between July 1985 and June 1986 in an area including the districts of Gelib and Giamame. It is my duty to express my thanks to the following associations and people: the C.I.S.P. (International Committee for the Development of Peoples) which offered me its support in a Primary Health Care project that it carries out in the district of Gelib, thus facilitating my long stay in the field; Prof. Bernardo Bernardi for the help and valuable advice given both in the planning and during the course of my work; the managers and staff of the Historical Archives of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs for their kind collaboration, the inhabitants of the villages in the area for their great willingness to collaborate in the research when I was in the field.

(1) Among these are the Pokomo, the Mijikenda (collective name for: Digo, Duruma, Ra- bai, Ribe, Chonyi, Jibana, Kamba, Kauma and Giriama), the Segeju and the Swahili, including the Bajuni. Until very recently these four groups relied on the idea of ​​one or more sacred settlements to ensure their coherence as social units. Belief in the magical role of certain cities was an important part of the Shungwaya cultural system. There are also groups who, while not using the name Shungwaya, have traditions that trace their origins back to that area. The Meru of Kenya, for example, they claim to come from Mbua, a site that, given its geographical location, appears to be in Shungwaya territory. The Pokomo use the term bus to indicate the diaspora from that place. It is therefore conceivable that it was not the Shungwaya capital that legitimized the political institutions created after the migration among the Meru, but rather the journey undertaken from there, and that the term bna was converted by them into Mona, becoming in itself a place name (Allen, 1983: 37-38; Fadiman, 1973; Townsend, 1977: 136).

(2) Con Shungwaya si intendono anche: the traditional belief-system wich prevailed in Great Shungwaya before its court was converted to Islam and among non-Muslims in it and its successor-states thereafter.... the main ritual centre or sacred settlement (usually the capital) of Great Shungwaya or one of its successors. A belief in the magical role of this centre or capital constitu-ted a large part of the Shungwaya belief-system, and control of it was indispensable to the rulers of the respective states (Allen, 1983: 36).

(3) In this text the term Goscia is used, without the prefixes Wa», «M«Ba», singular or plural determinatives, with which ethnonyms are presented in Kiswahili.

(4) This is the translation indicated by Pesenti. To be more precise we will say that satu in Kiswahili is the plural form of sta and means men, the people; sometimes it is used in an extensive sense such as humanity».

(5) Galla is the derogatory term used by some neighbouring peoples to call the Oromo. One of the etymologies suggested for the term is that it comes from gaal, in Somali pagan or infidel, and refers to the fact that the Somalis adopted Islam before the Galla (Lewis, 1983: 31). Among the common people the term gaal is often applied to whites and Christians.

(6) The Tunni, says Colucci (1924: 180-181), presented themselves as a confederation of five groups or gamas, having the same rights in decisions on territorial allocation and their original settlements were distributed between the river Scebeli and the coast and between Mungiya, south of Merca, and Giumbo. According to Piazza (1913: 70), the Tunni had been confined to that area by the arrival of other Somalis from the north and were, if not slaves, at least in a state of absolute subjection and political inferiority compared to the others. Allen (1983: 63-54) supposes that the Tunni, like the Segeju of the Umba River, the Pokomo of the Tana River and various other groups, were in origin clan clusters... or confederations of people from widely separated areas speaking quite different languages ​​but linked by common commercial and political interests. Such clan clusters, however, did not (or not only) exist along a single trade route from the coast to the interior. They, in his opinion, often included people living at the edges or along the major trade routes that ran between the interior and the coast and this gave rise to a single unit whose members, at the beginning, spoke different languages.

1 Tunni would have initially welcomed the fugitive Swahili with some suspicion, but then they would have lived with them for a while as good neighbors.

(7) In documents from the end of the century there is some confusion between the names Watoro and Wabo w, as the meaning of Watoro is indicated as escaped slave men, but is equated with the term Waboni, that is Bon, which instead refers to a well-defined population. The Bon, like other groups once considered low castes in Somalia, according to Cerulli (1957) are the remains of peoples conquered during successive waves of migration, peoples who were not destroyed by the victors, but sometimes integrated into the previous populations. They, described by all the texts as a population not very socially evolved, since they practiced hunting and gathering, have often been considered the true natives of the Goscia area, although Ferrari (1910: 75) claims to have learned from a minstrel of this ethnic group that in ancient times the Bon came from the African region of the central lakes and Colucci (1924: 66) interviewed some of them coming from different areas, such as the Tana river and the locality of Port Dunford.

One might think that the escaped slaves were mixed with the Bon to the point that the two ethnic groups could not be distinguished, or rather that the authors were inaccurate in their documentation. This latter factor is certainly detectable, since von der Decken in 1865 is very precise in identifying different groups of Zegua, Bon, and escaped slaves in Goscia. It must also be said that the number of escaped slaves at the end of the century must have been far lower than that of the following period, and that the two ethnic groups, escaped slaves and Bon, may not have yet been so rivalrous as to differentiate themselves as they later did.

It is also well known that most Somali speakers call many hunter-gatherers Boon, while Oromo speakers refer to the same type of people (often the same ones) as Waat or Waata, unlike the northern Swahili who call them wa-Sanye or wa-Sanya (Allen, 1983: 53). One might perhaps suggest that the etymology of Watoro is the Oromo-speaking term for hunter-gatherers.

(8) This is the translation given in the diplomatic documents of 1895. Literally in kiswa-hili toroku is a verbal form which means to desert, to flee (from the master, from home, from work etc.).

(9) «Mozguéla, taking into account the... singular prefix in 'm', is certainly equivalent to Zegua; Ze-gua or Zigula (Sigula, Segura, etc.) are known forms of this ethnonym (Grottanelli, 1953: 258).

(10) The terms referring to ethnic groups have received different spellings from English, Italian, German, French and Portuguese transcribers. They will be indicated here in the form and with the accentuation with which they were pronounced by the informants.

(11) These are the Shambala of north-eastern Tanganyika, western neighbours of the Digo.

(12) The proper name Nassib Bunto has been transcribed by different authors with different orthographic forms. In the text, the one that occurred most frequently in the oral traditions heard in the field is used.

(13) Desceck is the term used for the conformation of the soil found along the banks of the Juba. These are areas surrounding the banks of the river, generally depressed to a level considerably lower than the upper edge of the banks, where the river drains during floods. The desceck are highly sought-after lands because they are black alluvial deposits, excellent for any type of cultivation (Zoli, 1927: 85-86). According to Zoli, the real reason for the demographic distribution around the Juba is given by this characteristic of the soil, which creates favourable conditions for agriculture.

(14) The lighting of the town of Gelib currently depends on the dam.

(15) These occupations are legitimate because according to Somali laws all the territory is state property usable by state recognition or concession. Local farmers usually do not have land concessions, even if they have been cultivating it for a long time.

(16) Measurements from the Alessandra meteorological station (Tozzi, 1941: 7).

(17) The fifth article of the first charter of the revolution of October 12, 1969 reads as follows: The Supreme Revolutionary Council... declares... to liquidate every form of corruption, every manifestation of anarchy, the evil system of tribalism in any form and every other phenomenon of immorality in the activities of the State».

The revolutionary government adopted various forms of struggle against tribalism because it was considered the system that, by traditionally maintaining the established order and leaving the low castes and peasants of poor ethnic groups or lineages in their exploited condition, had permitted colonial domination and exploitation. Along these lines was the anti-tribal campaign between March and April 1971, at the beginning of which President Siyaad argued that tribalism can no longer have any place in the most united and best organized societies, which aspire to become a nation» («October Star, 30 March 1971). A concrete action was the decision to deprive tribal leaders, clan leaders and Kabila chiefs of all power with the introduction of the nabudon, a new intermediary figure with the authorities (Pestalozza, 1973: 136).

(18) In 1975, following the drought, the nomads were transported to Dujuma and from there transferred again in 1980 to finally arrive in the Gelib district.

(19) Source: census carried out by the Statistical Officer of the S.D.A., updated to 26/6/1983.

(20) Source: census carried out by the district authorities, updated to 14/2/1983.

(21) Source: data updated to 1983 provided by the district authorities.

(22) Often even villages considered important by the locals for ritual or historical reasons follow this rule.

(23) By agriculture in transition >> we mean an intermediate form» between traditional and industrial agriculture «carried out in individual or collective companies, where increasing recourse is made to production means and methodologies recommended by modern technology and which allocate an equally increasing part of their production to commercialisation» (Bigi 1971: 515).

(24) Bigi claims that some agricultural cooperatives had been created along the Giuba and Sce beli rivers in 1952, during the period of A.F.I.S. (Italian Trusteeship Administration in Somalia) (Bigi, 1962: 139). A serious impulse to cooperativism was given by the revolutionary government in 1971 with the three-year development plan 1971-1973 which, in giving priority to production choices, aimed, among other things, at self-sufficiency and the growth of cooperatives and envisaged the formation of 488 cooperatives in the agricultural sector.

such associations (Pestalozza, 1973: 200). In 1973, Law No. 40 on the Cooperative Movement definitively formalized the government's strategy in this regard.

In the study area, various types of cooperatives, known in Somali as iskaashato, were favored for the production and marketing of corn, meat, mangoes, and salt. The iskaashato for corn production enjoyed credit with the Gelib bank, the use of large plots of land, and the loan of modern equipment, tractors and bulldozers, for which they only covered the fuel costs. Field labor was divided among the cooperative members. The history of some cooperatives in the area was also short-lived due to land occupations for sugarcane and rice plantations.

(25) Uncertainty is also given by the irregularity of rainfall. This may not be adequate for the species sown in the year.

(26) The yambo is a small hoe traditionally used in agricultural work. It consists of a wooden handle at the top of which a flat blade is fixed transversely to the handle.

(27) These are considered by Perducchi to be more or less the total of the villages of the then Italian Goscia proceeding along the river, towards the north, starting from the small island of Mombasa.

(28) From some diplomatic documents from 1892 it appears that the number of 30,000 for those years could be overestimated. Perducchi claims to have collected his data village by village and in a document from 1904 he even states that the population of Goscia would have reached an approximate total of 40,000 units.

(31) On the Musciunguli and their relationship with the Zegua see Grottanelli's article from 1953, one of the most exhaustive texts on the subject.

Grottanelli maintains that, at least initially, the Musciunguli and the Zegua were separate ethnic entities, existing contemporaneously in Goscia. The two groups are currently being identified. Chief Ci-bango, whom Grottanelli claimed was the most recognized leader among the Zegua during the period of his research, has often been cited by current informants as a prominent Musciunguli leader. The village of Mugambo, which Grottanelli believed to be inhabited by Zegua, is now considered by others in Goscia to be a Musciunguli village. Therefore, if a difference between the two ethnic groups existed at the beginning of the century, now, at least in the perception of non-Musciunguli, it no longer seems to exist. In some diplomatic documents of Sim-mons reported in a report by Lovatelli (1893) it appears that in 1891 the chief Mkoma Maligo, remembered in the traditions as Zegua according to Grottanelli (1953: 257) and indicated by Caniglia (1916: 10) as Msugula, was considered by the English to belong to the Musagoor or Musagur ethnic group. These terms could be forms of both ethnonyms, Musciunguli and Zegua.

(32) See note no. 9.

(33) 'Runaway Slave'

(34) The Warday (Warde, Waredey, Wurrda, Uardà, Wardeh, etc.) are a «Galla tribe which, according to the traditions collected by Wakefield, Bottego and Maud, must have been settled in the Dawa basin in the second half of the 17th century. From here they were driven out by another Oromo tribe, the Bora-na, and forced to migrate southwards, into the Juba valley... From the territories on the left of the Juba the W. were once again pushed back, this time by the Somalis, up to the ocean coast and then definitively beyond the river, and up to the Tana valley (Grottanelli, 1953: 255).

(35) The Waboni who live in the Goscia villages... are hardly distinguishable from the ordinary negroes of the Wanyika tribes.

(36) Zoli uses the word gamas to indicate a group of individuals of the same origin living in a village. He maintains that the gamas functioned as organizational structures and still had, during his studies, a notable importance for the payment of blood money, for collective contributions and so on (Zoli, 1927: 181).

(37) In this case, Kabyle has the meaning of a confederation of ethnic groups. Here Zoli speaks of Kabyle by analogy with the Somali ethnic structure. The Somalis would be grouped in Kabyle, subdivided internally into rer or lineages. For a discussion of the different uses of the specific Somali term rer and of the gentile organization linked to it, typical of the Somali nomads, see Colucci (1924) and Lewis (1983).

(38) The Goscia, according to Zoli (1927: 188), were Islamized in the last years of the 19th century, that is, thirty years before his collection of information. The oral traditions collected by Grottanelli report that the first Zegua chief converted to Islam was Mazali, born around 1885 (Grottanelli, 1953: 256).

(39) Once again we find the misunderstanding caused by the use of the term cabila for the Goscia. If in fact previously << capocabila Uagoscia» could be identified with the head of the confederation of Ua-goscia ethnic groups, cabila, in the second sentence, means «ethnic groups forming part of the confederation», while with altre cabile in the rest of the sentence it means « those Somali or Bantu cabila not forming part of the confederation ».

(40) The ministers met in council to coordinate with the sultan on decisions of common interest. As far as we know, in these meetings decisions on agricultural activities could be taken.

cole, on the start of some work in the fields due to the arrival of the rains or on the war actions of defense and attack against neighbors. Confirming this are the justifications given, during the investigations carried out by the authorities, by the village leaders who came to a conference in 1904 with Nassib Bunto for the purpose of organizing an attack on the village of Camsuma. Having sworn silence, their justifications for having gathered together, which had to be made plausible in the eyes of the authorities, are an indication to us of the existence of some rules relating to the councils of the leaders.

(41) Zoli (1927: 181) suggests the following as original rers: Miau, Muniasa, Macua, Magindo, Macalè, Musciangolo, Mugnica, Molema, Muniamesi». He uses the term rer by analogy with the Somali gentry structure. Among the Goscia, the rer could not be considered simple lineages, but real ethnic groups in their own right, coming from different areas of East Africa. It may be that over time small ethnic groups have taken on the characteristic of lineages.

The choice of leaders almost certainly took place, as well as according to genealogical criteria, for charismatic reasons, seniority and real ability. Nassib himself is described as an extremely cunning and intelligent man, who became a leader for this reason, and one might think that he was, if, as is said, it was he who procured if not the first ones (the first ones arrived in another way, if Kersten, 1871: 303-304 is to be believed), at least a good part of the firearms in the Goscia region.

(42) During the government of Nassib Bunto the gamas had leaders; the Magiorios, on the other hand, are simple sagales. After his death, the Magiorios also had the right to appoint their own leaders who arranged new admissions into the villages. Following this, the villages were increasingly made up of various people, not divided by ethnic group, whose members qualified themselves with the proper name of the village first and with the ethnic one second (Zoli, 1927: 182). The main principle of aggregation, therefore, following the ever-wider migrations of freedmen, was no longer only ethnicity, but also the territorial unity of the village.

Trading towns of the east African coast to the sixteenth century

 The origins of east African coastal trading society 

Azania: the east African coast to 500 CE 

The east African coast was known to the Greek and Roman traders of the early centuries CE. They referred to the region as 'Azania. The earliest known written reference to the land of Azania is in a mid-first-century Greek handbook, The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (The Voyage of the Indian Ocean). Written in the great Egyptian trading port of Alexandria, it was intended for Greek trading ships, as a guide to the known ports of the Indian Ocean. It refers to a series of market towns along the Azanian coast from which overseas traders were able to obtain ivory, rhinoceros horn, tortoise shell and a little coconut oil. In exchange for these goods, traders from Arabia and the Red Sea provided the Azanians with iron tools and weapons, cotton cloth and a small quantity of wheat and wine. The Periplus referred to 'Rhapta' as the most southerly known port on the coast of Azania.

The exact site of Rhapta has not yet been identified, but it is thought to have been situated either somewhere in the Rufiji delta, in the central coastal region of modern Tanzania (see Map 10.1), or possibly close to Dar es Salaam, opposite Zanzibar Island.

The peoples of Azania were clearly experienced fishermen, well practised in the use of small boats along the coastal waters offshore. They fished and caught turtles from dugout canoes and they sailed among the islands in small coastal boats made of wooden planks knotted together with lengths of coconut fibre. Each market town was under the rule of its own chief, although the Periplus tells us little more about the people except that they were tall and dark-skinned. A few Arab traders were known to have settled in the region, intermarried with the local people and adopted their language. But there is no sign that these early Arab settlers had any significant impact or influence on the Azanians. They were settling within already existing fishing and trading communities. 

Who exactly these early Azanians were is not known for sure. Archaeological research has not yet revealed evidence of any of their early coastal market towns. Future archaeological research might reveal pottery or other artefacts, which would tell us more about them. In the meantime, it seems likely that they were part of the developing east African Early Iron Age, probably Bantu speaking, as discussed in Chapter 4. The report of the Periplus, that they imported iron goods, need not contradict this. They may simply have found it easier to import manufactured iron goods rather than spend the time and effort smelting and making their own. They probably adopted the fishing techniques already developed by pre-existing hunting and fishing communities. The use of 'sewn' boats and the presence of the coconut suggest some early contact with the sort of Austronesian sailors who colonised Madagascar in the early centuries CE. But it does not appear that any Austronesians actually settled permanently on the coast at this time. What is known from archaeological and linguistic evidence is that by at least the fifth century CE, Bantu-speaking farmers and fishermen were well established along the east African coast.

The Land of Zenj: the east African coast to 1000 CE 

Indian Ocean trade was given a great boost by the spread of Islam in the seventh and eighth centuries. The shift of the Islamic capital to Baghdad in 750 Ce brought the Persian Gulf more firmly into Indian Ocean trading networks. A number of Shi'ite refugees from southern Arabia settled along the northern half of the east African coastline during the eighth century. They intermarried with the African population and learnt the local language. The increasing presence of Arabic-speaking peoples on the offshore islands greatly eased trading relations between the east African coast and the rest of the Muslim world. Arabic writers of the time referred to the main central region of the east African coast as 'the Land of Zenj' (sometimes spelt 'Zanj'). 

In the western Indian Ocean, the monsoon winds blow towards east Africa between November and March, and towards India and the Persian Gulfbetween April and October. This seasonal pattern of monsoon winds largely influenced the pattern of cross-ocean trade that developed between the east African coast and the Islamic world of western Asia. Most of the long-distance trade of the western Indian Ocean was carried in Arab sailing ships known as dhows (see Figure 10.1). The journey across the ocean could take several months. This did not leave them much time for trading along the east African coast before they had to turn for home on the southwest monsoon. The more northerly ports of Mogadishu and Barawa and the Lamu islands thus became their most common ports of call. Local coastal trading was generally left in the hands of African traders who brought their goods to the principal market towns. This enabled merchants from across the ocean to complete their business quickly without wasting valuable time calling between one tiny settlement and the next. 

As the demand for African ivory and, later, gold rose, so more Muslim Arabs settled in the island towns to try and direct the local trade to their advantage. The local African ruling family was generally happy to develop close relations with these early Muslim settlers, often through intermarriage. In this way, they were able to ensure that overseas Muslim merchants would feel welcome and be well received within the town.

By the ninth century, there were a number of well-established market towns along the coast of the Land of Zenj' (see Map 10.2). Most were situated on the offshore islands. There were several on the Lamu islands off the northern Kenyan coast and others further south on Zanzibar, Kilwa and the Comoro Islands. Although clearly involved in overseas trade, they were nevertheless primarily local African towns. Archaeological evidence has shown that they were cattle-keeping, mixed farming communities who had added trade to their basic agricultural economy. Cattle were kept in central fenced enclosures and domestic houses were generally built on a circular pattern, made of mud brick and thatch. Most of the pottery that archaeologists have found in these sites was locally made, on a general east African Iron Age pattern. Small quantities of imported pottery from the Persian Gulf, western India and China confirm the trading link. The style of local pottery is remarkably similar through the 3,000-kilometre stretch of coastland from Mogadishu to Mozambique. This suggests close cultural links and regular sailing contacts between the various trading settlements along the coastal region. 

missing information here.....

language of the Early Iron Age peoples who appear to have lived in the region of the Tana valley and the Lamu islands. The Arabic additions came from Arab settlers who married into coastal society. They retained Arabic for writing and communicating with overseas traders, but used Kiswahili in their normal daily speech. In due course, Kiswahili was developed as a written language, using an Arabic script. 

Between the tenth and fourteenth centuries, the term 'Swahili' came to denote a distinctive coastal society that was Islamic in religion and culture, but primarily African in language and personnel. It was an urban, coastal trading culture and economy, and it is to the development of these Swahili towns that we now turn. 

The period from about 970 to 1050 was one of renewed growth for the east African trading towns. This coincided with a rising demand for African ivory and gold in Byzantine Europe and Fatimid Egypt. There is evidence of further Muslim settlement on east African coastal islands. Al-Masudi's reference to the island of Kanbalu having a Muslim king suggests that this was unusual in the early tenth century. A century later it was more common, as Muslim influence increased. Mosques were built in some of the towns, as a number of African rulers converted to Islam or Muslim settlers married into local ruling families. Rectangular houses made of blocks of coral stone began to be built at some of the northern market towns. This was in the style of houses on the Dahlak islands of the Red Sea, suggesting closer links through this trade route with Egypt and the Mediterranean. There were general signs of growing prosperity, at least among the ruling classes. A number of wealthy merchant rulers began to mint their own coins out of silver and copper (see Figure 10.2). The gold Fatimid dinar remained the principal currency of international exchange, but small local coins were used for local transactions.

The gold trade and the rise of Kilwa The period 1050-1200 saw further Muslim immigration from the Persian Gulf and Oman. Possibly because of pressure from these newcomers, a number of northern Swahili Muslims, particularly from the Lamu islands, moved south to settle on the islands of Zanzibar, Mafia, Pemba, Kilwa and the Comoros. Here, they settled in existing trading towns and set up new dynasties that ruled the islands for generations to come. The leading members of these ruling families claimed to trace their Muslim ancestry to immigrants from Shiraz in the Persian Gulf. The dynasties they founded are therefore usually referred to as 'Shirazi. But there is no evidence of direct Persian immigration and it seems likely that some prominent northern Swahili families invented the connection for added status. From the time of this so-called Shirazi 'migration, houses made of blocks of coral stone began to be built on the islands of Pemba, Zanzibar, Mafia and Kilwa (Map 10.3). 

Of all the new Swahili towns, Kilwa was destined to become the most important. Until this time, the gold trade, such as it was, had been largely organised by the Muslim merchants of Mogadishu, the northernmost Swahili town, founded in about 1000 CE. Through their Muslim contacts along the coast, the Mogadishu merchants arranged for gold dust to be brought north from the 'land of Sofala' far to the south. The new Shirazi rulers of Kilwa were now in a position to break Mogadishu's control of the gold trade. Kilwa was the most southerly point to which overseas merchants could sail in one season. It was therefore ideally placed to control the southern trade. The merchants of Kilwa sent ships south to form a small trading settlement at Sofala, just south of modern Beira (Map 10.3). Here, the peoples of the interior brought gold from the emerging societies of the Limpopo valley and the Zimbabwe plateau. By the thirteenth century at the latest, Kilwa had broken the hold of Mogadishu and established local control of the overseas trade in the gold of southern Africa. For the next 200 years, Kilwa remained one of the most important and perhaps the wealthiest of all the Swahili trading towns.

BOOK NAME:  History of Africa

PUBLISHED:  August 28, 2018

AUTHOR:  Kevin Shillington

STAGES OF SOCIETY IN EASTERN AFRICA

 1. EASTERN AFRICA extends from Abyssinia to the Zoolu Country on the Atlantic coast, a distance of 3000 miles. Scarcely any other part of the world is so little known as the interior of this region.

2. The east coast of Africa, down to 10° south latitude , is inhabited in the north by the Somaulies, and in the south by the Suwahillies . They are of dark complexion; the Somaulies are the lightest and most intelligent.

3. The COUNTRY OF THE SOMAULIES extends from Abyssinia to Zanguebar. The Somaulies trade with the Arabs, Hindoos, and the interior tribes. The surface is hilly and fertile ; it is the native region of incense, myrrh, and sweet-smelling gums .

4. BER'BERA and ADEL ( ah- del' ) are the chief States on the northern coast ; the principal towns are Berbera and Zeyla (zayʻlah). HURRUR is an independent State in the interior. The capital is a walled town of the same name. The people are bigoted Mohammedans.

5. AJAN (ah-zhahn' ) extends south from Cape Guardafui. It is sandy, hilly, and, except in the northern parts, barren. Magadoxo, once an important State, belongs to Zanzibar. Its chief town, Magadoxo, has some commerce.

6. ZANGUEBAR extends along the coast from Juba River to Cape Delgado. The Suwahillies are the most numerous people. They trade with Uniamesi (oo-ne- ah-may'se) and other interior countries in slaves, ivory, gum-copal, and ostrich- feathers.

7. The city of Zanzibar' , on the island of the same name, is the chief commercial port of Eastern Africa. The sultan, whose power extends over the coast from Cape Delgado (del-gah'do) to Cape Bassas, and those who compose the ruling race, are Arabs originally from Muscat.

8. The native commerce of this region is carried on by means of vessels called dows, the planks of which are sewed together. The ports of Zanzibar, Mombas, Lamoo, and Juba are visited by American ships.

9. MOZAMBIQUE ( mo-zam- beek' ) belongs to Portugal ; it extends from Cape Delgado to Delagoa Bay. This colony was once important for its trade, but is now much decayed . The inland tribes are independent.

10. The city of Mozambique is the residence of the Portuguese governor. Quilimane (ke-le- mah'nay) , Sofala, and Inhambane (een- ahm-bahn' ) are the other chief towns on the coast ; those in the in terior are Sena (say'nah) and Tete ( tay'tay) . The trade is chiefly in slaves, gold, coffee, ivory, and manna.

CENTRAL AFRICA.

1. CENTRAL AFRICA comprises the interior countries south of Sahara and north of the region explored by Dr. Living. stone. The chief divisions are Soudan and Ethiopia.

2. SOUDAN (Soo-dahn') , sometimes called Nigritia (ne-grish'-yah), is an extensive region , bounded north by the Sahara, east by Darfur and the White Nile, south by Ethiopia and Guinea, and west by Senegambia.

3. The river Niger flows through a considerable portion of the territory into the Gulf of Guinea. Lake Tchad (chahd) is a large lake in Soudan. Other lakes are Fittre ( fit'tray ), east of Lake Tchad, and Debo, an expansion of the Niger River.

4. The region along the Niger was explored first in 1795, and again in 1805, by Mungo Park, and the lower portion in 1830 by the brothers Lander.

5 Between the years 1822 and 1826, Denham and Clapperton, two British travellers, crossed the Sahara from Tripoli to Soudan, and explored the kingdoms of Bornou and Houssa (how'sah) . They were the discoverers of Lake Tchad.

6. From 1849 to 1856, Dr. Barth, and Messrs. Richardson, Over- weg, and Vogel, crossed the desert through Fezzan and Air, travelled eastward to Lake Tchad, and, like their predecessors, explored the kingdoms of Houssa and Bornou. Dr. Barth visited Timbuctoo on the west, Begharmi on the east, and Adamaua on the south.

7. The people of Soudan consist of negroes, Fellatahs, and Shouas. They commenced their conquests on the Niger about the year 1800. Their dominions extend from Sahara southward to the river Tsadda, and from Senegambia to Darfur. They are Mohammedans. The Shouas of Bornou are of a light olive complexion.

8. Soudan consists of numerous kingdoms, of which little is known. The soil varies in fertility. Indian corn, cotton, and indigo seem to be everywhere cultivated . The climate is hot, and unhealthy for whites. The principal countries are Kaarta (kar'tah), Bambar'ra, Timbuc'too, Kong, Borgoo' , Houssa, Bornou (bor-noo' ) , Begharmi (bay-gar'me) , and Bergoo or Waday. There are also various petty states. The population of Soudan is estimated at 10,000,000.

9. ETHIOPIA was the name given by the ancients to the region south of Egypt. As discoveries have been made, the territory has become more and more restricted . At present the name is applied to the unexplored region of Central Africa on both sides of the equator.

10. It is the field of the explorations of Beke, Petherick, and others, who entered it fromthe north. Petherick explored the country to Mundo, near the equator, and made important discoveries.

11. Between the years 1857 and 1859, Captains Burton and Speke, of the British East India army, travelled inland from Zanzibar Island until they reached Uniamesi, or the Land of the Moon.

12. Here, in 1859, Burton discovered Lake Tanganyika ( tan-ganye'kah), due west from Zanzibar. To the northeast, 200 miles distant, Speke, the same year, discovered Lake Victoria Nyan'za. These are fresh-water lakes of considerable size.

13. In 1864, Baker, an English traveller, discovered that the Nile has its rise in Lakes Victoria Nyanza and Albert Nyanza Lake Albert Nyanza lies about 160 miles northwest of Victoria Nyanza

14. Except the Gallas, in the northeast, the inhabitants of Ethiopia are negroes ; they are ignorant, cruel, debased, and superstitious. The Niam-Niams, lately visited by Petherick, are cannibals.

THE WA BONI HUNTERS OF JUBALAND

Notes on the Boni Hunters of Jubaland. By Captain R. E. Salkeld. 

 (Published by the courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum. )

The Waboni are the hunters of Jubaland ; they live in no settled habitations, but follow game. They are capable of extraordinary feats of endurance. From a Government point of view they are the only elephant killers, and if they could be communicated with and their confidence gained they would form the best scouts in the country. They are, however, very shy, and much afraid of their Somali masters.

They have three divisions :-

(A.) Bon Dhurrey. (B. ) Bon Aleyli. (c.) Bon Boran.

(A. ) Bon Dburrey were the Boni of the country subject to the Werdey and Gallas. Whenthe Werdey were conquered and driven back on the Tana by the Somalis their Boni followed them, and now inhabit the coast, and, it is said, the neighbourhood of the Tana river. They have fairly close relations with the Bajuns, who supply them with cloth, &c. and with whom they trade their ivory. They are the most civilised of the various Boni, having, in fact, a settlement and shambas at Anola at the head of Tovai creek.

(B.) Bon Aleyli are probably the oldest of the three divisions ; they inhabit the forests bordering the River Juba, and owe no allegiance such as other Boni do. They have certainly one village, perhaps more. They are admitted to be much more accomplished in Boui medicine than the other two sections, and are credited with a cure for gundi (tetse fly) bite ; this has been explained, but hitherto no opportunity has offered of testing the medicine. They are also supposed to possess an antidote against snakebite and wounds of poisoned arrows. The latter has been explained, but again there has hitherto been no opportunity of trying it.

(c. ) The Bon Boran or Bon Hegan are probably the largest section of the three and are subject to the Somalis. Families and their offspring being the property of Somalis are left by them in their wills. They give to their masters, when they kill an elephant, the tusk on the side which the elephant falls ; the other is their own property. There is no tribal organisation amongst these people, their disputes being settled by their old men. There is a man called Weyo Arrey amongst this section who considers himself chief of the Bon Boran, but no Boni considers that he is.

The Somalis are not unkind to these people ; on the one hand the Boni provide ivory and the hides of giraffe and oryx for shields, the most valuable local products ; on the other the Somalis give them meat, milk, and generally look after them and act as vakil for them. The Bon Boran followed the Somalis into this country when it was invaded. In those days there were many Borana living in Jubaland who were very friendly with the Boni ; the Somalis joined with the Borana to conquer the Gallas and then turned on the Borana and massacred them ; the Boni, however, took to their new masters.

The following are some of their chief customs, and are common to all sections of Boni :-

A Boni may marry any woman of his race ; it is not necessary to obtain the consent of the parents, but it is usual to give them presents, though not necessary. One curious custom is that there is no divorce among these people, all the children of one woman, by whatever father, are the property of the woman's original busband if alive ; if dead, ofhis brother.

When a lad starts hunting, at about sixteen or seventeen, and kills his first elephant, he hands over both tusks to his father and a feast is made, and with much singing and eating he is hailed as a man.

When a Boni dies he is buried lying on his side as he sleeps, his head to the north, his bow, arrows, and spear are buried with him, but economy decides that the iron heads of his arrows and spear should be kept by his relatives.

The great Boni accomplishment is, of course, the making of poison for their arrows. This poison is made from a tree called , in Northern Somaliland, Gadwayiyu. It grows commonly there, also in the hinterland of the Benadir, and in the northern parts of the Jubaland. The recipe is this : Take a piece of wood, bark it , and shred the wood into splinters ; soak bark and wood for twelve hours. It is now necessary, if the poison is being made for a white man, to kill a goat to feed the cooks. The cooks having been fed , the cooking proceeds. The wood and bark are now boiled for twelve hours, fresh water being constantly added. Towards the end of the boiling it is necessary to skim the scum of the brew, and here knowledge and experience come in. The final result is a thick black treacle-like substance, which is put on the arrows, on the detachable head behind the barb. The poison is strong. In an experiment tried, a goat was chosen, a small incision made in its shoulder and the poison inserted ; death ensued in just over five minutes. The symptoms were those of strychnine poisoning, so I am informed.

In Northern Somaliland the subject tribes are Tomal, Yibr, and Midgaan. The Tomal are the iron workers ; the Yibr the wood and leather workers and astrologers ; the Midgaan the hunters. These are supplemented in Southern Somaliland by the Waboni, and, as a matter of fact, the above-mentioned three tribes do not hold the same subordinate position as they do in Northern Somaliland. When dealing with Waboni it is necessary to be prepared for many disappointments, for they have a habit ofmwalking off into the bush and disappearing ; tobacco, cloth and, above all, food, especially meat, should be used when paying them.

These people are not without interest . When their confidence has been gained it will be found that, besides being extraordinarily good hunters and trackers, they are very good practical naturalists and botanists ; they have many interesting customs and tales, very often tell the truth , and would make the finest scouts imaginable. These notes, of course, require supplementing as opportunity occurs.

BOOK: MAN A MONTHLY RECORD OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL SCIENCE.

PUBLISHED BY THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE, 3, HANOVER SQUARE, LONDON, W,

1904

Differences in the Evolution of the Shambara Tribe

    Somalia is a country inhabited by three ethnic groups known as Cushitic, Bantu, and Banadiri. Each group has a unique historical background influencing their cultures and socioeconomic lives. The Cushitic group are nomadic, living in the dry northern region. The Bantu are agriculturalists living in the inland south, and the Banadiri people are also seafarers in the coastal south. Somalia gained independence from British and Italian colonialism in 1960, uniting under a common Islamic religion to form a cohesive nation. However, after the civil war of the 1990s, they created a system of clan-based federalism to stabilize the country. This system has been criticized for perpetuating political and social divisions. Thus prompting debates on the differences between the three groups in terms of power and representation.

    The Bantu civilization originated from their ancestors during the Iron Age. They introduced the iron smelting technology and advanced farming techniques across Africa's rainforest. They enhanced crop production and soil restoration through multiplication principles. This mastery over soil management not only boosted crop yields but also fostered sustainable agricultural practices. Consequently, these advancements supported larger population densities and led to the development of complex societies within the community. Following a period of overpopulation in their native regions approximately three thousand years ago, they spread across Africa, resulting in the establishment of numerous kingdoms across various territories. They built the Benin Empire in the west, the Kingdom of Kongo in Central, Great Zimbabwe in the south, and the Shungwaya Kingdom in the east. They were able to establish trade routes and diplomatic connections across the world. They mixed with the groups they met freely, promoting strong ties wherever they are. That created language and cultural exchange and led to the development of good relationships. This interaction promoted prosperity and established their prestige across the continent.